Data-center siting emerges as a bipartisan political battleground in US midterm elections.
The drive to build data centers—massive, costly facilities powering the AI boom—has emerged as a lightning rod for candidates across the 2026 midterms. Candidates running for office at every level of government and across party lines must navigate growing voter objections to data center expansion. According to a New York Times/Siena poll conducted September 8–13, roughly two-thirds of Americans oppose data center construction regardless of political affiliation. Opposition breaks down to 75% among Democrats, 60% among independents, and 47% among Republicans.
"It's the confluence of hyper-localized concerns with broader worries about AI, and who controls it and who benefits from it," says Christopher Borick, professor of political science at Lehigh University.
With no clear ideological alignment, candidates scramble to deliver messaging that appeals to state and local voters. In Ohio's governor's race, Democrat Amy Acton and Republican Vivek Ramaswamy are both proposing versions of a data center moratorium. Acton's plan would require companies to fund project costs, disclose building plans, and meet environmental standards; Ramaswamy proposes similar requirements while shifting cost burdens away from ratepayers. In Michigan's open Senate race, Republican Mike Rogers called for a one-year moratorium while Democrat Abdul El-Sayed pushed for strict standards requiring developers to fund energy costs. In Virginia's first Congressional district—known as "Data Center Alley"—both Democrat Shannon Taylor and Republican incumbent Rep. Rob Wittman have backed positions requiring tech companies to assume infrastructure costs rather than pass them to ratepayers.
"People care about something that they at least think is going to affect them, that they can see, that is near them—more than more abstract concerns," says David Karol, associate professor of government and politics at the University of Maryland.
Local anxiety about cost of living gives candidates on both sides an easy campaign target. "No one's going to say a data center is beautiful—it's not debatable. People don't like them, and it meshes with localized concerns about costs of living, which are paramount right now," Borick says.
An aspect of NIMBYism—the "not in my backyard" ethos—underlies the backlash. Yet what distinguishes this moment, Karol observes, is how quickly public opinion shifted. Just years ago, data centers were pitched to towns as sources of jobs and economic progress, often negotiated with little transparency under nondisclosure agreements. Residents soon discovered they faced unexpected costs.
Americans cite several grievances. Data centers draw enormous power; in Northern Virginia, they consume roughly 25% of the state's electricity, raising concerns about pressure on aging grids and higher electricity bills for ratepayers. Cooling data center servers requires enormous amounts of water. A mid-sized facility can use as much water as a small town, while hyperscale centers consume millions of gallons daily, with evaporation permanently removing water from local supplies. Data centers emit a constant hum disrupting quality of life and require backup diesel generators that emit nitrogen oxides and particulate pollution. Homeowners near sites worry rezoning could hurt property values, though research remains limited. While data centers create temporary construction jobs, permanent employment gains fall short of developer promises.
Still, most voters do not oppose data centers outright. The New York Times/Siena poll found that among those opposed, 56% support limits rather than a total ban.
Republicans face particular challenges. The GOP, holding power, historically loses seats in midterm elections. Republican candidates navigate broader voter frustration with the economy, persistent inflation from tariffs, elevated gas prices, and President Trump's low approval rating—factors likely to weigh more heavily than data centers alone.
Yet Trump has staunchly defended data centers as essential to U.S. AI competitiveness. In an Oval Office appearance on September 4, he said communities rejecting data centers squander opportunity and could later regret it, stating, "I think if you want success, you have to go with the data center." Ten days later, he wrote on Truth Social that the only "guardrails" AI needs is a "STRONG AND SMART (High IQ!) PRESIDENT," adding, "There is a SICK conspiracy going on against AI and Data Centers, and the only one that is happy about it is China. WHOEVER WINS AI, WINS!"
This disconnect complicates GOP positioning. Republicans in many races oppose data center expansion, potentially creating liability in states where voters are frustrated and angry.
Pennsylvania Governor Josh Shapiro reversed his prior support for a $20 billion Amazon data center investment, which he had called the "largest capital investment in commonwealth history." On August 18, he signed an executive order imposing new industry standards covering economic development, transparency, environmental protection, and energy affordability, then launched attack ads targeting Republican opponent Stacy Garrity over her past comments on AI and data centers. "He's vulnerable, so make her even more vulnerable," Borick says of the strategy. Garrity has advocated a pause on new data center development and mandatory industry rules.
The issue appears in other major races. In Texas, Democratic challenger Gina Hinojosa has targeted Gov. Greg Abbott's ties to the data center industry in rural counties; Abbott has paused data center permits and implemented operating guidelines. In Ohio's Senate race, Democrat Sherrod Brown has cast Republican incumbent Jon Husted as the "face" of data center expansion.